Hating Mayawati’s statues – a story of false concerns and true fears - an inquiry into the elite mind
August 15, 2009
By Garga Chatterjee, Sanhati. August 15 2009
Mayawati, the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh and unquestionably the most popular living Dalit leader of India is at the center of a controversy. She is building immense statues to Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar, Manyavar Kanshi Ram and to herself and in the process generating much resentment among the English-speaking public as well as her political adversaries.
Figures ranging from Rs. 1000-2000 crore have said to have been allocated towards these constructions and have resulted in a veritable outrage among certain sections of the society. Who is outraged and who is not, why the outrage and what does that tell us about the outraged?
Preliminarily, one must hear how the outrage is being verbalized and take a close look into those allegations. The outrage is expressed along primarily has three lines - firstly, that public funds could be better utilized for development work, second, the sheer impropriety of erecting statues to oneself during one’s lifetime and third, that this does nothing for the Dalits whose cause Mayawati professes to espouse.
1. Better utlization of public funds?
There is something disingenuous when it is said that the money could be spent on improving health-care facilities, sanitation, water and what not. What is unsaid is that the money comes from the budget of the various ministries which have nothing to do with health or education or sanitation, the department of culture being a major one. These are pre-set budgetary provisions.
But there is something more to be said. The charge of squandering public money is looked upon as a non-casteist charge and by bringing it up, prejudices and animosities which may otherwise have casteist origins can be sanctified and presented in public discourse. What predictably escapes from scrutiny are the plethora of such expenses done over the years and even now in a country as poor as India - the upkeep of Rashtrapati Bhavan ( a 340 room residence - the world’s largest residence for a Head of State) and other Governor Houses, the banquets in the governmental charmed circles, the lavish welcome to foreign heads of state, the “traditions” of the armed forces like musical bands and polo clubs - the list is long and expressing it loudly is tantamount to bringing down the prestige of the nation - indeed the same nation which has the world’s largest number of hungry humans and an infant mortality rate of utter shame.
Clubbed together, they possibly form the political and economic equivalent of building 5000 such statues a year. One wonders whether the same shrill voices would have been as shrill if Mayawati had ordered the construction of the statues of deceased prime-ministers and presidents of India. Also, the sudden obsession of the chatterati which invariably are high caste circles, with the absence of proper sanitation facilities or the high maternal mortality rate in Uttar Pradesh is amusing. This new-found concern possibly has a useful parallel in the sudden spurt of detailed universal primary education plans coming from high caste think tanks during the protests against the recent increase of caste-based reservations in higher education.
2. Mayawati the megalomaniac - Where’s the propriety?
Megalomania is possibly more common than we think or admit - just that most of us do not have the resources or public acceptability to go about it. In the past, building statues and other structures to oneself, has often been practiced by the rulers in India. The kings of India have done this - Britishers have gone on to name entire cities and islands after living monarchs and other white men. As it turns out, Shravan Prajapati, the sculptor of the statues also has sculpted a commissioned statue of Margaret Thatcher, very alive and kicking.
While, to some of us, a change in epoch has taken place, one must remember the peculiar obsession of what befits the “modern times” or the twentieth ( now twenty first) century is not shared across the populace of India. This is especially true for the Dalits and other oppressed and marginalized communities and it is time one admits that the grappling with modernity which so permeates our popular discourse is, at the end of the day, primarily a higher caste phenomenon - which interestingly also makes it a minority phenomenon, the higher castes being a minority of the Indian population.
This means that there is the possibility of a majority vision of public propriety which may be very different from what higher castes are comfortable with. This is something that higher castes by and large do not allow for the possibility of - hegemonic groups pre-suppose that their vision of the world is an all encompassing vision of the world with them at the centre. Anything else, which dislodges them from the centre and throws open different public standards to be as valid as long as they are backed by other peoples, is dangerous - for then ethos, practices, moralities and standards suddenly start seeming less providential and timeless, more open to multiple interventions and hence more democratic - an institution towards which hegemonic minorities tend to have a distrust.
Having said this, one also has to note the deep hypocrisy in the propriety argument. Both Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Panditain Indira Gandhi were made the Bharat Ratna when they were prime ministers. I am not judging these acts but can only say that what is good for the goose is good for the gander. Of course, technically they did not nominate themselves Bharat Ratnas - but were bestowed the honour on behalf of the “people of India” by the Office of the President. But that is a game two can play at. Mayawati has publicly said that her own statues were not built out of her own accord but was a publicly stated wish of Kanshi Ram. Moreover, most of her statues have been inaugurated by the minister of urban planning Nasimuddin Siddiqui with budgetary provisions not coming from ministries whose portfolios she holds.
As much as the elite would like to claim that we are Indians first before we are Dalits or Kshatriyas, some facts stand out starkly. The first Dalit Bharat Ratna was bestowed on Babasaheb Ambedkar as late as 1990, only under V.P.Singh’s Rashtriya Morcha government which rode to power on twin prongs of anti-Congressism and caste-identity politics. What is clear is that if the backward castes have to wait for the recognition of their heroes as heroes of India, they would be waiting a long time. Since 1990, no other backward caste icon has been deemed a ‘ratna’ enough for Bharat. Such a myth of unity backed by a scheme of inclusiveness which is more like an inverted pyramid is clearly unstable. Sooner or later, someone had to walk out and make their own pyramid - Mayawati in her political astuteness is doing just that.
The sheer lack of Dalit icons in the urban Indian public pantheon is not an accident - nor does the space lack icons. Ishwar Chandra Bandopadhyay is one such icon. He struggled for the legalization of widow remarriage in India and lobbied the British rulers for this. He is truly a pioneer.
But thereafter the story gets complicated. The question is, pioneer for whom? As it turns out, pioneer essentially for forward caste Hindus among whom widow remarriage was virtually absent and was an ominous taboo. This was not the case with many backward castes and indigenous peoples of India among whom widow remarriage was nothing new. Then what does the valorization tell us in addition to Ishwar Chandra’s greatness? It is also tells about the near invisibility and irrelevance of the lives of much of India’s peoples in setting the content of public discourse of India, dominated by the higher castes.
In some ways, this is akin to Columbus’s “discovery” of America - what is unsaid is that it really was the arrival of Spaniards to a land where many people had lived and thrived. One can think that world is what one determines it to be - unfortunately for some, deepening of democracy has the subversive potential of rudely interrupting such daydreams. Such interruptions are never pleasant especially when they threaten to be a opening shots of a long series of interruptions that might unravel the world of the forward castes as they know it where a Kshatriya engineer sues a Brahmin doctor in the court of law of a Kayastha judge. The arrival of people whose grandmothers sung them different lullabies, lullabies born out of the night soil, may break the party. And there is the rub.
Mayawati is possibly no more demagogic as a leader of the Dalits as most other “leaders of India” have been.It is the alien-ness of her political culture which appeard to be crude to the forward castes. For those Indians who have been fed on a steady diet of some form of the ideological spectrum of Mill-Hume-Smith-Hegel-Marx and have lamented at the absence of evolution of indigenous political thought with the exception of certain icons of the elite , unfortunately, have a narrow view of what constitutes political thought. In a human existence, where much of politics is among the non-reader of books, the evolution of political thought also has multiple trajectories- some inaccessible to the book reader, however odd that might sound.Every time the forward caste revenue collector of a forward caste zamindar came, when the backward caste menfolk of a village ran away to hide behind tall grass to escape the immediate oppressors - theories of the nature of power developed. Schools of political thoughts have developed as dalits and tribals have huddled in fright at being displaced at the bulldozers of a mining company protected by state forces. Theories of human dignity and humiliation developed when bhangis scoured the faeces of forward caste toilets by their right hand - just like forward castes have never really known how it is to touch faeces with their right hand, in the same way, there is a near total non-access to the reasons why in a NDTV-GfK Mode survey, 62% of Dalits around Lucknow support the installations of the statues of Mayawati.The Ambedkar Park project in Lucknow has a water body called the Bhim Ganga ( named after Bhimrao Ambedkar). Dalit men and women have often collected water from the Bhim Ganga considering it holy.
That tells us something important - that in this supposed aged of all-encompassing modernity, myths and indeed gods are coming to life just as they always have.This world of animation almost completes eludes the chattering classes to whom India’s diverse peoples are almost an embarrassment in a supposedly global village where everyone is supposed to understand that Mocha is a kind of coffee.
3. The statues do nothing for the uplift of Dalits
Mayawati has tried to project herself as a Messiah of the Dalits - this she is not, arguably. And not so long ago, comparisons were being made in India with the other messianic figure of these times, US President Barack Obama. While it has been argued publicly by the chatterati that Mayawati is no Obama for she is too confrontational and lacks a unifying vision (and privately, her ‘unpresentability’ at international forums), something else needs to mentioned.
Obama’s political idiom is one of a supposedly already post-racist America, that is, one of white America’s sin atonement vision, for cheap. Jesse Jackson,who was also mainstream but slightly edgy and not as colorblind as Obama could never have calmed the nerves of the liberal establishment like the way Mr.Cool has.
Mayawati, on the other hand, sells no such fiction. She does not talk of a post-casteist society - in fact the real and present caste-ridden society is her political capital. But she had been stressing compact before contradiction, possibly too soon, and it is in that, she does disservice to her Dalit base as activists like Prakash Ambedkar would argue. This does not take away the very real sense of dignity some of the Dalits have been armed with. Dalits from South India have visited the Ambedkar Park and the various statues and could conceivably become an alternative pilgrimage for some Dalits.
Finally, we still need to dissect the discomfiture of the elites with Mayawati’s statues building at a very raw, getting under the skin level. Mayawati with her ilk, who play by different rules may not have imbibed the refined art of covert aggrandizement. It is too much in the open - the big golden ear-rings she wears, the huge birthday cake she cuts with toadies looking on - is too easy to condemn. But at one level, it is understood that this flamboyance does not follow the idioms the mandarins of elite Indian society are used to - she doesnt go playing golf or drinking Johnny Walker Blue Label with public money - she makes her and her mentor’s statues. The acceptable methods and the range of permissible display of helping oneself with public money has been normalized and well worked out for other groups and sectors which have been in power for much longer periods of time - in some cases, centuries. The new interloper either hasnt learnt that yet or has a different game to play- in both cases, she poses a danger to the models of silent theft, and more broadly to the upper caste consensus of how political life is organized.
No one should under-estimate the power of co-option - Laldenga and Shibu Soren are great examples of how iconic leaders can be reduced to ghosts of their earlier selves. But for now, every cringe about her from the Indian elites is being shrewdly crafted by her into a new medal of pro-Dalit credentials, which of late had been tainted by her increasing overtures to ‘Manuvadis’.
This article also appeared in HimalMag.

August 16th, 2009 at 1:42 pm
Hi
High caste thinktanks have shown themselves to be imaginatively bankrupt and ethically petty. And this piece captures that poverty of the mind and soul with great acuity. I am wondering though if I could bring in a comparison from Tamil Nadu. In this state, for over 50 year now, we have been subject to various forms of visual eloquence: from staged political defiance to banners and cut outs to several signs, icons and symbols that seek to speak our ‘Dravidian’ and ‘non-Aryan’(read non-Brahminical) intent, politically, socially and culturally. This effort to re-make public space, to people it with signs that disturb, was clearly upstart behaviour and in its heyday challenged received notions of culture and identity and ushered in a voluble and demotic public culture. In the 1950s and 60s, this culture was yet substantive in what it sought to embody: issues of inequality and injustice were not entirely absent from its acts of image building. But very soon, it became clear that this visual - and verbal - rhetoric constituted a political style whose truth claims are necessarily symbolic. The symbolic realm then goes on to substitute and overdetermine not only what is done, but also what is not done, and what may never be done - in the case of the Dravidian movement, the question of social and political justice for dalits for one.
And sadly, dalit parties which were in the opposition in the 1990s and captured public attention by pointing to this excess of symbolism over substance are today as much given to the same political style: there have been no serious political struggles or even civil rights initiatives these past two years to ensure dalit concerns are attended to… parties that were on the street mobilising and arguing a decade ago, are now busy creating a new public culture of colour and verve and instead of their real presence on our busy roads, we have their icons staring down from large billboards…
There are many reasons as to why this political style appears attractive: fighting on the streets has meant repression, arrests, detention without trail; it has meant thankless struggles to gain the ear of political parties and civil society which are resolutely and largely caste Hindu and mostly indifferent…
To continue to appear upstart and radical, while in practice negotiating political gains during election time, to say all the right things, and yet build alliances that are incapable of acting on even one of these right things: these choices are essentially tragic ones, and speak volumes of the cynicism that besets the caste Hindu mind, that will not heed dalit claims on justice or dalit protests, but which is constantly looking to accommodate and domesticate dalit struggles in the name of that justice it wishes to compromise. As far as dalit political parties are concerned, the adoption of a political style that courts the signs of flamboyant power, and scores symbolic victories while quietly opting out of actual, material struggles achieves a sort of pyrrhic victory. When heroism and sacrifice earn nothing, not even a martyrdom that resonates in the public imagination, statues and banners will have to do.
August 16th, 2009 at 4:05 pm
I don’t get what ms chatterjee is trying to say? is she trying to justify the acts of Mayawati by citing the example of previous congress regimes/leaders had done. she should know better. two wrongs do not make right. it’s public money which is being squandered in uttar pradesh. and the amount being spent on memorisls and statues is rs 4,000 crore!!! this speaks volume about the priorities of a chief minister of state where farmers are committing suicide as they cannot afford two square meals a day and where 40 per cent of the population lives below poverty line.
August 16th, 2009 at 4:14 pm
Thank you sir for your views and we ned more people like you to educate these manuvadhi,s who thinks that they should enjoy all power,wealth e.g (Nehru families 4th generation is running now)I am a Dalit working in USA, I am planning to visit India specially to visit Ambedkar Park, not only me few of my Dalit brothers who is working in USA are planing to visit this place. So if people started visiting this place it will generate income to local people. Other thing the daily wagers who are working in the construction (Ambedkar Park)are dalits that way this park is helping them to get a job why dont these Manuvadhi people understand this.
August 17th, 2009 at 12:55 am
What Garga Chatterjee is trying to say, I think, is, public money is squandered by every politician of every caste and creed- but the tone of the hue and cry is not the same- and Chatterjee asks why is such the case.What is behind this anger at squandering public money - as the article says, the president of the country, where Tariq bhai rightly mentions that farmers are committing suicide, lives in a large palace and I think in this budget , the annual budget spent on this living woman who is the president is 27.62 crore, not on statues, but directly for her own and her house’s upkeep.Where is the anger?
August 22nd, 2009 at 2:51 am
I am also not agree on her making statue of herself though his state condition is so bad in all repect. She shold think about the people of U.P and latter they himself make a statue of her.
September 22nd, 2009 at 11:02 pm
At the time, when 46 districts in UP have been declared as drought hit, and country hasn’t still recovered from the effects of recession, Ms Mayawati is spending huge, huge amounts to glorify herself. If only you want to erect your statues, go ahead and create good schools, hospitals, improve the infrastructure and then you can have your statues there. This will glorify the government and not these parks and monuments…One cannot justify such acts of selfishness.Its the hard earned money of tax payers like me and you. And certainly I donot approve anyone of glorifying oneself from my money.
October 6th, 2009 at 7:44 pm
Hi,
this is the classic example of where the Indian left has gone wrong. The attempt is to justify the unjustifiable. It is very difficult to say exactly where this writing has gone wrong because this is mostly worse than wrong. Let me make a point by point list.
(i) Making statues of oneself is a megalomaniac tendency. Typical signature of dictators. Let us mention some typical examples,e.g., Saddam Hussein, Joseph Stalin. Another example that comes to mind is the potrait of Ms (Indira) Gandhi by M.F. Hussein where he painted her as the goddess durga. In my childhood I have seen ‘Bharat-Mata’ puja in calcutta which was essentially a puja of Ms (Indira) Gandhi. And for all intent and purpose Ms Gandhi came closest to being a dictator of our country. It is quite unprecidented in any democratic set up construct statues of the leader in power with public money. The statue of Ms Thatcher mentioned by the author above was not comissioned by the minister of culture of UK when Ms Thatcher was the PM. So please accept that Ms Mayavati is wrong is doing this. Of course Mr and Ms Gandhi was wrong in giving themselves the Bharat Ratna but as Mr Tariq Khan as pointed out two wrongs do not make a right. We do not want a dictator whether the dictator is a dalit or tribal man or woman. Just because Mayavati is a dalit woman her mistakes should not be blindly supported. If Mr. (Narendra) Modi made statues of himself in Gujarat would the author have supported him with so much vigour ?
(ii) Quite possibly the money of this statues came not from the budget of health department or the agricultural department but from the budget of the culture department. Now, does the author consider building statues of Mayavati a good investment in culture ? Should not such a money be spent on street performers, to support tribal art or to encourage the musical talent of dalit people who are oppressed.
(iii) If 62% of the dalits of UP think that Mayavati did the right thing by constructing those statues and if this statistics is correct it tells us a lot about our country.
(a) A large fraction (exactly 62%) of dalits in our country, presumable uneducated, are fools.
(b) The power of Mayavati’s jingoistic politics.
(c) Now that the author thinks that she has got a clear case of “upper caste snob”, let me also point out that after the carnage in Gujarat Mr. Modi’s popularity has increased and accroding to electoral results people of Gujarat have supported him. If dalits think that Mayavati is holding up the dalit pride by building those statues, they are wrong. In exactly the same what when some Hindus think that the Rathyatra of Mr Advani held up the Hindu pride. And I would say the the mostly upper caste hindus of Gujarat who have voted for Mr Modi are fools too.
(iv) The article tells us very little about Ms Mayavati or “upper caste” people but tells a lot more about the writer and the people who included this article in this forum. This tells us the wrong muddled ideas persued by the Indian left forces are continuing. An example is bringing in Mr Ishwar Chandra Bandopadhya in a issue which had nothing to do with him. Just to point out that his reforms did not touch the lower caste at all. But that is beside the point. The fact is the Mr Bandopadhya did move the hindus, admittedly mostly upper caste hindus, away from a brutal mediaval religion. And he deserves credit for that. The naxalites of 70s west bengal expressed sentiments similar to the one expressed by the present author. And they were wrong and so is the author. And if Sanhati (or most members of it) agrees with the author - they have provided her a forum express these views - then Sanhati is destined to go down the same doomed path.
I would recomment you to learn from the mistakes of 70s, think clearly and stop supporting dictators irrespective of whether they are man or woman, dalit or upper caste in Gujarat or in UP.
October 7th, 2009 at 5:10 pm
Dhruvaditya
Did you read the entire essay? The points being made here are much more subtle than the rebuttal you have put forward. Let me try to bluntly put a few.
1.Who decides what is popular culture? The author challenges the concepts of ‘universal good culture’ and here he criticizes the traditional left as well.
2.Why is criticism only directed to Mayawati’s spending and not the expenditure made to maintain the colonial pomp of Rashtarpati Bhavan and Polo Bands?
3.Do we really understand what it means to be a Dalit?
November 4th, 2009 at 11:08 pm
Mr. Mitra, in his tirade, says
“(a) A large fraction (exactly 62%) of dalits in our country, presumable uneducated, are fools.”
The beauty of Garga Chatterjee’s article is that it gets under the skin of the higher castes at exactly the itchiest places, and brings out prejudices that have been normalised by veneers of respectability.
April 3rd, 2010 at 1:15 am
Dear All,
It is not matter who is wasting money & in what ways but its matter that do we like our hard earn money goes like this to full fill madness of some few people who are making fool to general public.
Just think can we do anything effectively to stop this nonsense? We all know who are putting their view here can carry their life very well but concern
is for poor people who are being made fool by govt
June 28th, 2010 at 2:07 am
A very very perceptive article. I come to Bara-banki in UP and the article brings out in no unclear tersm some very important issues surrounding the public discourse on caste. Bravo!